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Trump's America During Trump's Second Term Seems Oddly Familiar to Those Watching from China

As the standup comedian, a rising performer, steps onto her platform in New York, she's not just considering what humor to deliver. Additionally, she weighs which topics to steer clear of. “I don't engage in openly criticizing the government,” she explained. Or if she ventures there, she makes certain it's not captured for online platforms. “I would never publicly share content in which I openly disparage authorities … I think it's a learned behavior from China.”

The comedian, 39, lived in the Chinese metropolis for almost ten years, leaving in that year. In 2025, she moved to America. Upon arrival, she embarked on a frenzy of “overindulging on freedom,” attending talks, protests, and exploring the city's public library.

But over the past year since Donald Trump returned to office again, there's been a noticeable shift in the environment, she says. “Back home, I understood the boundaries, while here I find myself on shifting sands.”

Her fears reflect a new political reality in America which many Chinese, or people who have lived in China, find eerily similar. Enemies face exclusion. The president demands total allegiance. Journalists face scrutiny. Establishments are attacked.

The president has openly expressed regarding his respect for Xi Jinping, China’s strongman leader. He has described him as a “great guy”. When they reached a brief ceasefire in economic tensions on Thursday, the bonhomie between both figures of countries with vastly different political systems was evident. Following years of optimism in the US that improved relations with the East may help the rising power become more open, in the current administration, it appears as if America is being pulled in the Chinese direction, instead of vice versa.

“America is experiencing an era of cultural revolution,” said Zhang Qianfan, a professor at a top Chinese university. “The president, Trump, is trying to mobilise the masses in order to marginalize or weaken established figures … similar to events in China decades past.”

Ever since Trump initiated what's termed Department for Government Efficiency, or Doge, on the Washington bureaucracy at the start of his term, many in China see US politics via the perspective of China's historical period. Whether it is the mobilisation of the youth to carry out the leader’s will, or purging organizations of perceived enemies, Trump from a Chinese viewpoint has brought Mao-style chaos to America, though absent equivalent degrees of force.

But since the upheaval of the initial period under Trump has calmed, a new, distinct type of climate has emerged in the country, which variously also feels familiar to numerous Chinese individuals.

‘The Beacon Has Become Less Bright’

The most profound similarity between Trump’s America and the East is the crackdown on free speech.

Deng Haiyan, turned Chinese Communist party dissenter, ended up in the eye of a storm recently, similar to what he’d only previously experienced in China. He resided in America since 2019, after escaping the country due to harassment from the authorities.

Last fall, following the passing of Charlie Kirk, Deng tweeted that the individual was a “scumbag”. Like people nationwide – many of whom were fired as a result of making negative comments about Kirk – Deng faced a huge backlash. His family was doxed and he was accused of being a Chinese spy attempting to divide the US.

“That event was a real shock. I never imagined that something like this would occur in the United States – what typically happens in a repressive state,” Deng said.

His backlash originated from online peers, rather than the state, but such of public monitoring bears parallels with China.

“In terms of going after dissenters and monitoring public speech about issues deemed controversial … It's appearing here,” said an academic, an associate professor at Georgia State University. “This is that you see in China today as too,” she added, stating that there were now fears in America of students reporting on educators, a form of monitoring that has been encouraged by Chinese authorities.

Zhang, the legal expert, explained that progressive thinkers such as him once turned to the US for political inspiration, in part because public debate on internal affairs in the country is dangerous. But now, “The US is no longer some kind of ideal for progressive Chinese. The US's reputation has declined across the board.”

“We once viewed America as the symbol of democratic governance, but after Trump took power, that guide appears dimmer”.

Progressive Chinese, who are often, behind closed doors, skeptical about the nation's governance, are increasingly finding it more acceptable than the US's, he stated. “It’s sort of painful to accept this … but post-COVID, authorities appears to be pursuing the right thing in environmental protection and developing electric cars and investing in hi-tech,” he noted, while “Western nations, exemplified by the United States, seems to be in decline.”

The government's purchase of shares in American firms has also drawn comparisons with the East, where the distinction between government and private industry is often blurred.

On Monday, the US government announced it will take an investor in a startup specialising in rare earth processing, following similar stakes in additional firms it considers vital to national security. These moves have made certain stakeholders concerned that the US is embarking on a new era of state intervention in private industry.

There are still significant distinctions between Trump’s America and the East. Last month, several news organisations among others declined to agree to a defense department rule that required they only report on approved news. US courts have blocked or overturned many of presidential measures, something that is unthinkable in China’s party-dominated judiciary.

Isaac Stone Fish, who established of Strategy Risks, specializing in China, said: “The United States might face the worst crisis of its history, orders of magnitudes worse than currently, and it would remain more free, more open, and more liberal than China under Xi.”

The professor observes that while many intellectuals in the country were shocked to see American colleges capitulate to government demands concerning diversity and inclusion practices and free speech on university grounds, in the East, the top universities are all state-owned inherently. University leaders, which are appointed by the state, “have no liberty of saying no. They dare not to be disobedient.”

Still, people in the US are starting to take precautions previously associated with repressive regimes. An academic at a US university once vocal on bilateral matters refused to be interviewed for this article. He stated: “Honestly, I fear of the censorship in the US: I genuinely feel less afraid criticizing China's leader now than say anything bad

The writer

Brandon Mckinney

A digital strategist and tech journalist with over a decade of experience covering media innovations and emerging technologies across Europe.

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